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I also agree with the replies here which rail against the 'lgbtq movement is overtly white' nonsense

I also agree with this reddit thread and the replies to the OP in this reddit thread

Race_DivisionByElites - racism, race-related issues, and exposing ruling class social engineering

subscribe/s/Race_DivisionByElites 13,481 subscribers, a community for 4 years

If there is 'overt whiteness' in the LGBTQ movement it is only due to # Race_DivisionByElites

Like making a sex orientation rights and gender rights movement about **racism, race-related issues**, This is due to the social engineering by the ruling class which it uses to disrupt, divide, and dominate like it does to disrupt the LGBTQ movement by wrongly saying it is 'overtly white', which then causes the LGBTQ community to be divided from the poc community . Then this causes said ruling class to dominate even more so

Woke people just cannot just keep it on LGBTQ could they, better bring in race to appeal to more people! /s

The wokesters don't care for white LGBTQ people, which is why they put black and brown stripes on the rainbow flag — which is woke and divisive

In films like The Same Difference the challenge and the unruliness with which black queerness is performed in both, echoes Omi and Winant’s understanding of race as an “unstable and ‘decentered’ complex of social meanings constantly being transformed by political struggle” 

Onourah restores the transgressive potential of blackness and/as queerness by understanding both race and sexuality in a decentered way, constantly in need of redefinition. They invite us to understand why a queer critique that does not account for blackness is not enough to re-queer anything.

Let's make an ass out of you and me and assume that the LGBTQ movement (specifically the Queer/gay movement) is 'overtly white':

It would only be because the spatial dynamics of gay/queer activism and the prerogative of safety for white queers. To do this, Queerness differentiates itself from criminality and blackness; Queerness thus defines itself as anything but the criminal and by extension as a anything but being black. The black body remains criminal while the queer body moves into the realm of citizenship. 

The conflation of blackness with crime did not happen organically; rather, it was constructed by political and media elites as part of the broad project known as anti black structuralism and later and more tangentially the 1990s Joe Biden crime bill and with  

In the era of colorblindness, it is no longer permissible to hate blacks, but people can still hate criminals. 

Indeed, we are encouraged to do so” (Alexander 199). Such arguments encourage anti-blackness within current mainstream queer politics “and reproduce anti-blackness as a foundational structure of US Americanness” (Bassichis and Spade 193) 

Furthermore if I continue to make an ass out of you and me and assume that the LGBTQ movement (specifically the Queer/gay movement) is 'overtly white':

It would because this historical erasure of black queerness from memory feeds well into the current moment of colorblindness, or what Jared Sexton (fellow Afro Pessimist) almost ironically describes as people-of-color-blindness, an unwillingness to see people of color.

Here is a solution to remove any stigma of the LGBTQ movement in particular the Queer gay movement of being labeled as 'overtly white': (as mentioned here from The Missing Colors of the Rainbow: Black Queer Resistance":

The analysis of Nneka Onourah’s documentary The Same Difference (which I support) provides further insight into the complex array of power that affect the real life experiences at the intersection of queerness, blackness, and gender. The documentary generates points of departure through which queerness finds validity as a tool for critical thinking, a way of active resistance, and a basis for community action. 

Placing the documentary in context, this article reconstructs a paradigm for radical queer politics in the force-field of traditional notions of black masculinity and femininity and queerness as a destabilizer of both, bringing queerness back into a marginal position from which it can be critical of the state.

While he Same Difference on the surface stays out of the political in the sense that it discusses identification within the black lesbian community without relating these identifications to a broader political agenda, t does, however, hint at the messy terrain that is politics:

The queerness of blackness that places blackness under attack within a dominant U.S. society is underscored through the performance of black queerness. 

At the same time, blackness is broadened, challenged, and empowered through the performance of black masculinity by black queer women. 

Queerness, in this case, is not simply a by-product of black lesbian womanhood. It is a conscious act to destabilize both blackness and queerness in an attempt to broaden their possibilities. Black queerness as it is performed differently by each woman on screen, is an essential deconstructing tool for masculinity, femininity, queerness, and blackness and by extension political.

The filmic representation of the discriminatory practices of the black lesbian community thus counters the social and exclusionary methods used by a mainstream, white queer movement to uphold systems of racial and national belongings and hegemonic models of citizenship. 

It does not tell stories critical of the mainstream, thus leaving the mainstream in the center. Instead, it brings a critical, non-normative, marginal aspect of queerness back into a position from which it can be critical of the mainstream.

This academic work here proves what is written in the first post in the screenshot at the top of this post is nonsense.  Here is a snipet

"Feminist theorists have chronicled lesbian feminists’ role in developing a theoretical and

political foundation for the academic fields of gender studies and queer theory. Many queer

theorists have critiqued lesbian feminists’ rigid policing of lesbian identity, noting that this often

resulted in the exclusion of women of color, trans women, and sex radicals from lesbian

communities. However, there is little work that chronicles the political, racial, and gender

diversity among lesbian feminists. As a result, lesbian feminism is frequently depicted as a social

movement solely comprised of white, cisgender women, erasing the major political, theoretical,

and cultural contributions that women of color and trans women made to these communities.

Such depictions fix lesbian feminism’s political legacy and minimize its significance to

contemporary social movements. "

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